his paper offers a fresh interpretation of the role played by the Dream of Scipio in Cicero’s De re publica. It explores Cicero’s key distinction between the cosmic and the local levels of statesmanship and the problems he sees with localism, and it details fully for the first time the importance that Cicero attached to the virtue of magnitudo animi (“greatness of soul”). The paper makes the case that in De re publica Cicero promotes his own innovative cosmic (...) model of politics, in which magnitudo animi is developed through an educational process situated in the traditional Roman mos maiorum. (shrink)

In this article the author considers as a central matter the significance of M. Tullius Cicero’s conception of self-knowledge in his philosophical and political theory. With this purpose, the author justifies the contribution of Ciceronian elaboration to the matter as a rereading of the Socratic-platonic tradition, in the field of Roman philosophy, inquiring its own components. Thus, the author develops an exegesis on the characteristics of Ciceronian conception of self- knowledge in De republica, De legibus, De finibus bonorum et malorum, (...) Tusculanae disputationes and parallel texts, in order to ponder its mediation in the constitution of the political community. In this context, the author examines the rol of natural law in the development of the self-knowledge and the discovery of the human community. (shrink)

In the third book of Cicero's De re publica L. Furius Philus, one of the protagonists, is assigned the task of putting the case against justice. Among his arguments he makes the familiar claim that justice is a product of society, not of nature . If, he explains, justice and injustice were natural phenomena, they would be the same for all men, but in fact people hold very diverse views on what is just. This argument is supported by a (...) motley collection of exempla: the Egyptians worship Apis, a bull; while the Greeks and the Romans fill their temples with statues in human form, the Persians consider such practices to be sacrilege; various nations indulge in human sacrifice; the Cretans and Aetolians hold the view that brigandage is perfectly respectable; the Spartans used to claim as their own all the territory which their spears might touch; the Athenians used to take public oaths that all land which produced olives and grain belonged to them; the Gauls despised corn-growing and raided the fields of others instead. All these instances would be familiar to Cicero's audience. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThis paper assesses to what extent the neo-Republican accounts of Quentin Skinner and Philip Pettit adequately capture the nature of political liberty at Rome by focusing on Cicero's analysis of the libera res publica. Cicero's analysis in De Republica suggests that the rule of law and a modest menu of individual citizens’ rights guard against citizens being controlled by a master's arbitrary will, thereby ensuring the status of non-domination that constitutes freedom according to the neo-Republican view. He also shows (...) the difficulty of anchoring an argument for citizens’ full political participation in the value of non-domination. While Cicero believed such full participation was essential for a libera res publica, he, like other elite Romans, argued for participation on the basis of liberty conceived as the space to contend for and enhance one's social status. The sufficiency of the rule of law and citizens’ rights for securing a status of non-domination taken together with their insufficiency for ensuring a libera res publica suggests that neo-Republican accounts of liberty do not fully capture the idea as articulated in Cicero's Republicanism. (shrink)

Der Philosoph Wilhelm Dilthey nannte Ciceros "Der Staat" eines der größten Kunstwerke in Prosa. Cicero, der die höchsten Ämter im Staat innehatte und sich verzweifelt gegen den Untergang der Republik stemmte, verdichtet seine praktischen Erkenntnisse in diesem Werk zu einem Gefüge von Begriffen, das für das Leben jeder Gemeinschaft gültig ist. In Anlehnung an Platons "Politeia" legt Cicero in Form eines Dialoges die Vor- und Nachteile der unterschiedlichen Staatssysteme dar. Im Gegensatz zu Platon ist sein idealer Staat jedoch keine Fiktion, (...) sondern die römische Republik. Diese Ausgabe des berühmten ciceronischen Werkes, das Dilthey eines der größten Kunstwerke in Prosa nannte, will dem Leser die Bedeutung und Selbständigkeit des Staatsdenkens Ciceros zugänglich machen. In einer Zeit, die Fragen des gesellschaftlichen Zusammenlebens ein besonderes Interesse entgegenbringt, ist es nicht unwesentlich, sich ein Denken gegenwärtig zu halten, das menschliche Existenz ganz im Gemeinwesen des Staats begründet sieht. Mit hellstem Bewusstsein hat Cicero, der selbst das höchste Amt des römischen Staatswesens bekleidet und dabei ein letztes Mal die Eintracht in der Freiheit gerettet hat, Macht, Staat und Gemeinschaft erlebt. Seine Erkenntnisse hat er in seinem Werk über die res publica zu einem in sich konsequenten Gefüge von Lebensbegriffen verdichtet, die für das Leben jeder Gemeinschaft gültig sind. Unsere Ausgabe fügt die erhaltenen Stücke durch verbindenden Text aneinander, so dass ihre Lektüre das Ganze vor Augen stellt. Die Einführung gibt eine Analyse des Aufbaus. Eigennamen werden im Index alphabetisch geordnet und erklärt. (shrink)

This paper argues that at Cicero, De re publica 6.17 the manuscript text unum globum should be kept instead of the conjecture summum globum. This conjecture is unanimously attributed to Fr. Boll (1910), but it was proposed already in 1790 by G. W. Maier. The use of unus in this context, in which the set of harmonic spheres of our cosmos is described, can be explained as an alternative to primus when referring to the first element of a sequence; (...) further instances in Cicero’s works support this interpretation. (shrink)

This paper argues that Cicero develops a new view of the state as a partnership in his work De republica. Like any other partnership, the Roman state is upheld by the agreement of its members and an allocation of rewards that is proportionate to the contributions. Cicero sketches an outline of this view in his definition of this state. By focusing on how Cicero uses the definition in the construction of his argument, the paper attempts to uncover a detailed view (...) of the state as a partnership. The ancestral Roman constitution, Cicero argues, surpasses all other constitutions in offering the best division of contributions and rewards. Although the state is held together by the agreement of the whole people, there is an enormous disparity in the assessment of contributions and rewards among different social groups. (shrink)

Nach dem Vorbild Platons fasste Cicero den Plan, seiner Schrift "De re publica" eine Abhandlung ber die Gesetze folgen zu lassen. Der Dialog "De legibus" wird von Marcus Cicero, Atticus und Quintus Cicero, dem Bruder des Politikers, in heiter-entspannter Atmosph re auf seinem Landgut in Arpinum gef hrt. Es handelt sich um drei B cher ber rechtsphilosophische Grundfragen, die in einer kommentierenden Darstellung der Sakralgesetzgebung und des Zivilrechts veranschaulicht werden. Die 52/52 v. Chr. entstandene Schrift beweist Ciceros F higkeit, (...) ein schwieriges und auf den ersten Blick spr des Thema faszinierend darzustellen. Das gilt auch f r die "Paradoxa Stoicorum", die Cicero Anfang 46 v. Chr. verfasst und seinem Freund Brutus gewidmet hat. Mit Hilfe geschichtlicher und biographischer Beispiele ist es dem Autor gelungen, seine Leser auf anregende Weise f r die Dogmen der stoischen Ethik zu interessieren. (shrink)

This volume presents new texts of Cicero's dialogues on political philosophy, De Re Publica and De Legibus, together with corrected versions of the editor's previously published editions of Cato Maior de Senectute and Laelius de Amicitia. The texts are based on a full reconsideration of the manuscript evidence and are presented in a clear and readable form.

Cicero kämpfte sein Leben lang für die Erhaltung der römischen Republik, die ungehinderte Herrschaft des Senats und die Abwehr der Mächte, die Recht und Gerechtigkeit sowie die freie politische Auseinandersetzung im Senat und vor der Volksversammlung gefährdeten. Seine vierzehn Philippischen Reden sind so ein Angriff auf den Konsul Antonius und dessen zweifelhafte Amtsführung. Allerdings konnte er noch nicht ahnen, dass Antonius zum Urgroßvater der berüchtigten römischen Kaiser Caligula und Nero wurde. Auch die skandalöse Verbindung mit der ägyptischen Königin Kleopatra erlebte (...) er nicht mehr; er hätte diese Liaison sicherlich für seine Polemik gegen den Erzfeind zu nutzen gewusst, den er als ein kriminelles Element darstellt, das es nur auf Zerstörung und Untergang abgesehen hat und daher zu beseitigen ist. Die Ziele und Methoden der Akteure auf der politischen Bühne misst Cicero an den traditionellen römischen Wertvorstellungen. Darin stimmen die Reden gegen Antonius mit dem Werk,,Über die Pflichten" überein, mit dem Cicero auf die Gefahren eines hemmungslosen, egoistischen und skrupellosen Machtstrebens aufmerksam machen wollte. Wie er in seinen philosophischen Schriften den Kampf gegen Caesar geführt hatte, so setzt er ihn in den Reden gegen Antonius mit den Waffen des Geistes fort. Cicero war davon überzeugt, dass Philosophie und Redekunst eine Einheit bilden und dass Theorie und Praxis, Ethik und Politik, Denken und Sprechen, Bildung und öffentliche Rede nicht voneinander zu trennen sind. In den Reden gegen Antonius thematisiert Cicero das Leitbild des gebildeten, rhetorisch kompetenten und moralisch gefestigten Politikers, der alle seine Fähigkeiten in den Dienst der res publica stellt, zum letzten Mal, um ihm konsequent wie nie zuvor zu folgen. Die vorliegende Übersetzung wurde 1990 von der Deutschen Akademie für Sprache und Dichtung, Darmstadt, ausgezeichnet. (shrink)

The centrepiece of Cicero's De re publica is a discussion of justice. This discussion, which evokes the theme of the Platonic dialogue after which it was named, consists of a set of three speeches. It begins with a speech opposing justice, placed in the mouth of L. Furius Philus and alleged by him to be modelled on the second of a pair of speeches for and against justice delivered in Rome in 155 B.C. by the Greek Academic philosopher Carneades. (...) Philus' speech lays the dialectical foundation for the two subsequent speeches, a defence of justice as the prerequisite for government by C. Laelius, and an explanation of its role in various forms of government by Scipio Aemilianus. (shrink)

Introduction -- Struggle, compensation, and argument in Cicero's philosophy -- Reading and reception -- Literature, history, and philosophy : the example of De re publica -- History with rhetoric, rhetoric with history : De oratore and De legibus -- History and memory -- Brutus -- Divination, history, and superstition -- Ironic history in the Roman tradition -- Cicero from Enlightenment to idealism -- Conclusions.

_Cicero’s Practical Philosophy_ marks a revival over the last two generations of serious scholarly interest in Cicero’s political thought. Its nine original essays by a multidisciplinary group of distinguished international scholars manifest close study of Cicero’s philosophical writings and great appreciation for him as a creative thinker, one from whom we can continue to learn. This collection focuses initially on Cicero’s major work of political theory, his _De Re Publica_, and the key moral virtues that shape his ethics, but the (...) contributors attend to all of Cicero’s primary writings on political community, law, the ultimate good, and moral duties. Room is also made for Cicero’s extensive writings on the art of rhetoric, which he explicitly draws into the orbit of his philosophical writings. Cicero’s concern with the divine, with epistemological issues, and with competing analyses of the human soul are among the matters necessarily encountered in pursuing, with Cicero, the large questions of moral and political philosophy, namely, what is the good and genuinely happy life and how are our communities to be rightly ordered. The volume also reprints Walter Nicgorski’s classic essay “Cicero and the Rebirth of Political Philosophy,” which helped spark the current revival of interest in Cicero the philosopher. “This well-planned and exceptionally well-written collection of articles brings together leading Cicero scholars of our day on a carefully chosen set of topics. As such, this book is an invaluable account of the current state of Cicero studies, while advancing those studies.” —_Gerard Wegemer, University of Dallas_. (shrink)

This inquiry starts from two passages in book 1 of Cicero's de Re Publica, both concerned with the failings of democracy as a political form. The first occurs in Scipio Aemilianus' opening criticism of the three unmixed constitutions. The weakness of democracy is that cum omnia per populum geruntur quamvis iustum atque moderatum, tamen ipsa aequabilitas est iniqua, cum habet nullos gradus dignitatis.

Cicero kämpfte sein Leben lang für die Erhaltung der römischen Republik (res publica), die ungehinderte Herrschaft des Senats und die Abwehr der Mächte, die Recht und Gerechtigkeit sowie die freie politische Auseinandersetzung im Senat und vor der Volksversammlung gefährdeten. Seine vierzehn Philippischen Reden sind so ein Angriff auf den Konsul Antonius und dessen zweifelhafte Amtsführung. Allerdings konnte er noch nicht ahnen, dass Antonius zum Urgroßvater der berüchtigten römischen Kaiser Caligula und Nero wurde. Auch die skandalöse Verbindung mit der ägyptischen (...) Königin Kleopatra erlebte er nicht mehr; er hätte diese Liaison sicherlich für seine Polemik gegen den Erzfeind zu nutzen gewusst, den er als ein kriminelles Element darstellt, das es nur auf Zerstörung und Untergang abgesehen hat und daher zu beseitigen ist. Die Ziele und Methoden der Akteure auf der politischen Bühne misst Cicero an den traditionellen römischen Wertvorstellungen. Darin stimmen die Reden gegen Antonius mit dem Werk „Über die Pflichten“ überein, mit dem Cicero auf die Gefahren eines hemmungslosen, egoistischen und skrupellosen Machtstrebens aufmerksam machen wollte. Wie er in seinen philosophischen Schriften den Kampf gegen Caesar geführt hatte, so setzt er ihn in den Reden gegen Antonius mit den Waffen des Geistes fort. Cicero war davon überzeugt, dass Philosophie und Redekunst eine Einheit bilden und dass Theorie und Praxis, Ethik und Politik, Denken und Sprechen, Bildung und öffentliche Rede nicht voneinander zu trennen sind. In den Reden gegen Antonius thematisiert Cicero das Leitbild des gebildeten, rhetorisch kompetenten und moralisch gefestigten Politikers, der alle seine Fähigkeiten in den Dienst der res publica stellt, zum letzten Mal, um ihm konsequent wie nie zuvor zu folgen. Die vorliegende Übersetzung wurde 1990 von der Deutschen Akademie für Sprache und Dichtung, Darmstadt, ausgezeichnet. (shrink)

This study considers the ranges of the power of self-determination in human action, attending to the « status quaestionis » of the matter as it is contained in statements of Cicero on the Stoic position, his own thoughts on this matter, and the reception and re-reading of the theme in Thomas Aquinas. We thus attend to the Ciceronian exposition in De natura deorum, De divinatione and De fato on the Stoic position regarding the need for causal connection. We also study (...) the criticism added by Cicero to its transmission, and the projections of the problematic in Aquinas’s quaestio De fato, in the Summa Theologiae, and in other parallel passages. (shrink)

In his philosophical works Cicero addresses a number of questions concerning the role of old men in politics, most obviously in his dialogue De senectute of 44 BCE. How best should the old participate in politics and the wider community—what, if anything, do the old have to offer that is special or unique? How should the generations fit together in the body politic, and should age be a factor in the structural organisation of states? Should the old rule? This chapter (...) makes the following argument: (1) in De senectute Cicero develops a coherent line on the special political role of old men within the constitutional framework set out in his earlier De re publica, which can be seen as a call to arms in the contemporary Roman political context; and (2) this line is not just a restatement of traditional republican ideals: in a similar vein to what we see in De re publica, Cicero draws on and adapts some of the most important arguments from Plato’s Republic when addressing these questions regarding the role of old men in politics. (shrink)

The background of the present study is Constant’s interpretation of modern freedom compared with the freedom-participation of the Ancients. In order to understand Tocqueville’s conception of political freedom one has first to explain what he meant by ‘égalité des conditions’ or ‘democracy’. What characterises the democratic era is the disappearance of distinctions of class and cast in and through a process of equalisation, which has long been at work and to which Tocqueville envisages no end. For Tocqueville, a passion for (...) equality animates modern Western societies. Hence his focus on mental mechanisms when he tries to answer the question that disturbs him: where might this passion lead us and more specifically what are the dangers to which freedom is exposed in democracy. The reason behind Tocqueville’s anxiety is his conviction that a subtle cooperation exists between individualism and administrative centralisation that leads to a new kind of despotism. This does not make him into a fatalist. He believes that it is possible to control this passion in such a manner that it becomes compatible with freedom. What we need is a resolve to safeguard freedom and a new political science that not only discovers the dangers that threaten freedom but at the same time exposes the means and remedies that democracy itself produces to control these tendencies. America is here the example.Political freedom existed there prior to the rise of equality, whereas in France freedom was first lost to absolutism, which in turn created a situation of equality that prepared the ground for despotism. Among the remedies that can safeguard freedom, the most important for Tocqueville is ‘l’esprit d’association’. In the closing part of the study, the discussion of the mediating role of this modern kind of ‘corps intermédiaires’ facilitates a comparison of Tocqueville’s conception of political freedom with that of Constant and Rousseau. (shrink)

Subject of this article is the Belgian citizen's oppositional behaviour taken in the largest sense and considered as an opportunity to express his preferences. Starting from the supposition that a policy decision is not perceived as being conform to the citizens' interests or beliefs, attention is focused on their propensity to engage in oppositional action and their preferences for different means of expression.Such propensity appears to be rather limited and therefore one has also examined their belief in the success of (...) an oppositional action and their insight in contemporary societal problems.Those data are compared with the actual oppositional behaviour during the last five years, which was found to be even smaller than the propensity. Further, three scales are constructed, indicating similarities and dissimilarities, as far as means of expression are concerned, between the preferences of the whole population and the behaviour of the small number of opponents.In a second approach, the degree of politica! participation, dissatisfaction and information is successively examined in relation to the oppositional behaviour. This research reveals that each of these three elements induces a more intensive oppositional activity as well as a different behaviour concerning the use of oppositional means. Political participation however is the most infiuencing factor. Oppositional behaviour is a complex phenomenon. Information on the content of the oppositional action, not included in this inquiry, would complete this approach. (shrink)